Holy Roman Empire

Refusal was inevitable, no matter how tempting the terms offered by the Berlin Government were, in essence, it was getting something for nothing.

Moreover, the Prusso-Russian War wasn’t as simple as it appeared on the surface; it was also filled with the strategizing of England, France, and Austria.

Initially, England and France supported the Prusso-Polish Federation, while Austria supported the Russian Empire. Now the stance of the Anglo-Austrian two countries remained unchanged, but the French had become passively negligent.

It was all determined by interests. If it was possible to strike at competitors, why not do it?

The French had not invested much in this war, and even if the Prusso-Polish Federation were defeated, their losses would be limited.

The economic losses could be compensated for through other means.

For instance, British businesses affected by debt could struggle in their operations, or even go bankrupt.

Not to mention the profits that come from the damage to competitors, just the sight of the British misfortune was reason enough for the French to be happy.

With the French Empire growing stronger by the day, the era of the Pro-British Faction had come to an end. The ever-increasing conflicts of interest drove the two nations further apart.

From the perspective of Great France, in the long run, it was more in their interests for the Russians to win the war.

The two countries’ spheres of influence were very far apart, with almost zero possibility of conflict of interests. A strong Russian Empire could also restrain Austria from behind.

No matter how good the Russian-Austrian relations were, as long as the Russian Empire grew strong, the two would go their separate ways, as national interests cannot be swayed by personal will.

By doing nothing, the French Government naturally knew how to choose when it meant striking at two competitors at the same time.

The British had their calculations, the French had their calculations, and Austria was naturally no exception.

Indeed, a strong Russian Empire was a threat, but that was a potential threat in the future, one that didn’t need to be considered for at least another twenty or thirty years.

In the short term, Austria’s biggest competitors were still England and France. With the Prusso-Polish Federation’s inevitable defeat and consequent debt default, the British economy would certainly be greatly affected.

The French economy was not much better off. On the surface, they didn’t invest much, and their losses were within a controllable range, but the pitfall was that the French economy itself had problems.

During wartime, the market boom meant that high industrial raw material costs were not an issue. Once the Prusso-Russian War ended and those international orders disappeared, this problem would erupt.

Just at that period, it happened to be the peak of worldwide industrial overcapacity and the time when market competition was most fierce; cost would become one of the core factors in market competition.

With high costs, what could the French industrial and commercial circles use to compete with England and Austria in the market?

Capital is profit-driven, and interests would drive it from the unprofitable manufacturing industry to the financial industry, thereby changing France’s economic structure.

This wasn’t Austria’s first time planning this. Almost after every economic crisis, the proportion of manufacturing in the French economy would decrease.

Fortunately, at this time, no one realized the importance of the manufacturing industry, or else the Paris Government would have been in a hurry long ago.

Of course, they were not far from being in a hurry now. In an era when the tertiary industry had not yet developed, it was still manufacturing that created jobs.

Industrial capacity reduction would inevitably lead to a decline in employment rates; surely, these people couldn’t all be rushed off to work the land, could they?

The land in France itself had long been claimed, and though there were many overseas colonies, the question was, were the French people willing to go?

Unfortunately, influenced by maritime culture, the people of France preferred to stay in the cities rather than go to the colonies to clear the land.

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This point had been proven long ago, whether in the original timeline or now, that the French enthusiasm for immigration was not high.

When the economy was poor, everyone naturally controlled their births, and the invention of the condom made a significant contribution to France’s family planning efforts.

With fewer births, the pressure naturally decreased, as life expectancy for the lower classes was short, there was no need to consider elderly care issues, and whether there was a next generation was not important.

A declining birth rate is a long-term issue, and its harmful effects are not immediately apparent. However, the social crises brought by the economy could not be avoided.

The Franco-Italian merger was less than a decade old, and during times of economic growth, many contradictions were concealed. Once the economic crisis erupted, they would explode.

In some ways, this was the most vulnerable moment for France. In just a few short years, the Italian populace had not yet pledged their loyalty, and Napoleon IV’s rule was anything but stable.

If they were given a few decades to assimilate and develop a system of governance suitable for them, Great France would have truly become a "Mediterranean Empire," with a significantly increased threat.

...

Being at a disadvantage on the battlefield and unable to persuade Austria diplomatically, and with the French unwilling to increase their commitment, the Berlin Government felt increasingly pressured.

On October 12, 1880, the Berlin Government initiated an expanded mobilization plan, requiring all healthy males between the ages of sixteen and fifty to participate in militia training and be ready to be called up for service at any time.

It was evident that the Berlin Government was truly desperate, and their trust in Maoqi was not so solid. Although they had not initiated total mobilization, they had already begun preparations.

"Total mobilization" is a real test of a nation’s organizational abilities, and not every person is willing to go to battle; a lot of work needs to be done.

Either it is the primitive feudal era, with limited territories under control, where the Lord could simply command and all serfs would take up arms and go to battle.

Or it is when severe humiliation has been suffered, nationalism is aroused, and everyone is willing to fight for their country; or when survival becomes difficult, and one must use the weapons at hand to carve out living space for themselves.

The Prusso-Polish Federation could not rely on any of those, so it had to depend on the government’s organizational capacity. After all, war is not just about gathering people; military training is also necessary, as well as ensuring the supply of logistics and materials.

Vienna Palace

Putting down the intelligence report in hand, Franz asked, "If the Prusso-Polish Federation were to carry out total mobilization, how many troops could they potentially mobilize?"

After pondering for a moment, Chief of Staff Albrecht slowly replied, "Based on our analysis of the data collected, the Prusso-Polish Federation could mobilize up to six million people."

"Six million people" does not equate to six million troops; people and troops are two different concepts, not everyone can become a qualified soldier.

This "six million" simply excludes those with physical disabilities or illnesses, proving that the Prusso-Polish Federation has six million men of eligible age.

Turning all these men into troops is an impossibility. The reason is simple; society still has many positions that need to be filled, and these are indispensable.

Government agencies, hospitals, schools, military enterprises, research institutions...

Beyond these positions, there are also numerous special classes. It is not the nobility that is reluctant to serve in the military—European nobility would go to battle, as their honor would not allow them to shrink back at such a time.

It was mainly the capitalists, the middle classes, small businessmen, and expert scholars who were unwilling to serve in the military... These people had money and social status and did not want to risk their lives on the battlefield.

If the Berlin Government were to include them in the conscription, it could potentially cause an uproar within the country.

After deducting all of these, what is left is the true capacity of the Berlin Government to mobilize. After mobilization, a selection process would still be necessary to weed out those unfit for military service.

As for how many are left in the end, that would depend on the selection criteria of the Berlin Government. Perhaps three million, perhaps four million—without total mobilization, no one knows exactly how many troops the Prusso-Polish Federation can muster. n/ô/vel/b//jn dot c//om

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However, whether it is three million or four million, this number is bound to shock the world.

The region where Prussia and Russia are at war is limited, and once the troop deployment reaches a certain level, it will hit the carrying capacity of the battlefield. It is not possible to keep increasing the forces indefinitely.

After reaching the battlefield’s capacity limit, the Russian Army would no longer be able to maintain a numerical advantage, making it difficult for Ivanov’s conservative tactics to have any effect.

Theoretically, as long as the Prussian Army has three million troops, and can commit two million to the frontline, Maoqi should be able to defeat the Russians.

Franz asked with a hint of doubt, "What, you’re not optimistic about the Prusso Federation’s total mobilization?"

Chief of Staff Albrecht nodded and explained, "The combat effectiveness of the armed forces from the same country can also vary. Once the Prusso Federation undergoes total mobilization, the combat effectiveness of the Prussian Army will drop significantly,

With not enough officers, soldiers lacking training, and a decline in the quality of recruits—all these factors combined, the combat effectiveness of the Prussian Army might well be reduced to the same level as the Russian Army.

What elite troops can accomplish, ordinary units simply cannot.

A drastic decline in combat effectiveness implies that commanders also need time to adapt and harmonize, and time is exactly what is in shortest supply on the battlefield.

The Tsarist Government can now hold its own against the Prusso Federation, and it will be able to do so in the future as well. They don’t even need to win battles; as long as they can inflict heavy casualties on the Prussian Army, even losing battles can lead to winning the war.

Unless Maoqi can achieve an impressive exchange ratio, sooner or later they are bound to be overwhelmed by the Russians’ human wave tactics.

On this issue, my view aligns with Maoqi’s; the advantage of the Prussian Army lies in its mobility, and blind expansion is tantamount to giving up this advantage.

This is also a warning to Austria: if you want to play the human wave strategy, you should learn from the Russians who prioritize quantity over quality. As for aiming for both, you may as well give up now!

Perhaps Austria could preemptively reserve enough officers for an army of two or three million, but once that number rises to five million, six million, or even tens of millions, preemptive reservation is nothing but a dream!

To train all the active soldiers to become officers? A beautiful thought, but in reality, there are differences between individuals, and not everyone can qualify as an officer.

An excellent soldier does not necessarily make an excellent officer; many people are only suited to be soldiers.

Even with the investment in training, they could at most cap out at the company or platoon level. Just a few years after retiring and going home, they would revert back to their former selves.

This problem did not trouble Franz for long; just thinking about his competitors made him feel relieved. Superiority is relative; it’s not necessary to be the best, just better than the competitors.

And Franz didn’t plan on being another Napoleon; Austria does not need to single-handedly fight all of the European Continent. When facing single opponents, there’s simply no need for that many troops.

After some thought, Franz made a decision: "The Prusso Federation has not yet reached its limit; there is still fight left in this war. I’ll put the planned sale of weapon technology on hold for now."

Although new weapons could mean more brutal warfare, Franz dared not release them rashly. Austria wants Prussia and Russia to both sustain heavy damage, not for the Prusso Federation to turn the tables.

The same weapon system, in the hands of different people, can yield very different combat effectiveness.

One only needs to look at how Ivanov employs his troops to see that he is a clear-cut conservative. The kind of leadership at the top dictates what kind of subordinates you’ll have. The Russian Army’s use of modern weapons would undoubtedly be inferior to that of the Prussian Army.

Whether it’s "machine guns" or "mortars," these seemingly low-powered weapons, they can all unleash their deadly potential. If Maoqi finds an opportunity, perhaps he could turn the tide of a major battle.

The Russians have deep reserves; losing a battle at the front is not frightening, but what’s terrifying is war failure leading to a change of leadership within the Tsarist Government.

Marshal Ivanov might not have many highlights, but he is still the most suitable person to command the Russian Army. If someone else takes over, who knows what kind of disaster might unfold.

It’s not that Franz underestimates the Russians, but their overall officer quality tends to be a notch lower, primarily reflected in their educational levels.

High-ranking officers were generally fine, as most had received a thorough education, but many of the mid- and lower-ranking officers had only undergone military training within their families, and the proportion of officers educated in military academies was very low.

Otherwise, it wouldn’t have been possible for a student from an Austrian military academy like Yalton to rise rapidly through the ranks and become a general in just a few years. (As mentioned before, the guard commander of Koweli)

It wasn’t that an outsider could recite the scriptures better, but in comparison to others, his abilities were indeed excellent, at least theoretically and knowledge-wise.

When conservative tactics were used, since it was all about fighting a sluggish battle, the need for officers to demonstrate personal ability was limited, and such disadvantages were not so obvious.

If there were a change in commanders and a shift in the battle strategy that required frontline officers to exercise their personal command abilities freely, the Russians would suffer.

Perhaps some genius commanders would emerge, but more often than not, they would be fools.

In wars involving millions of people, individual strength is minor, and it’s often not the rare geniuses who determine the outcome of the war, but rather the countless fools.

If there weren’t any fools to contrast with, where would the geniuses come from? Military history’s miracles are often created by both groups together.

...

Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, when I met with the British Ambassador yesterday, he brought some news.

As long as we stop supporting the Russians, the British Government will recognize our annexation of the Russian Balkan Peninsula after the war, including Constantinople."

Franz rolled his eyes at this, what kind of matter was this? Did Austria need the British to recognize its annexation of the Russian Balkans?

It wasn’t that Franz was arrogant; since the opening of the Suez Canal, British influence in the Mediterranean had been in decline, and the Balkan Peninsula was even less subject to their meddling.

Should Austria truly annex these regions, the only real obstacle would be the Russians; whether the British "recognized it or not" simply wouldn’t affect the outcome.

It would be more or less the same if it were the French, as at least they had the capability to intervene. As for the British, let’s talk when the main force of the Royal Navy dares to venture deep into the Adriatic Sea.

However, this also proved indirectly that the London Government was desperate. The French, on whom they had pinned great hopes, now chose to stand by and watch, leaving the British short on leverage.

Franz: "Not including the Ukraine Region?"

"No!" Weisenberg replied.

Franz shook his head: "It seems the London Government’s thinking is still thirty years old, always wanting to meddle in everything.

Tell the British that Russian-Austrian relations are longstanding, we have no interest in Constantinople, and they shouldn’t try to sow discord."

Regardless of whether there was interest or not, Austria had to be uninterested at this point. Constantinople was not easily taken, and taking it would mean having to contend with the Russians to the end, taking over the hatred for the Prusso-Polish federation.

Austria already controlled the Dardanelles Strait; Constantinople would merely be the icing on the cake. Besides Constantinople, what else was there in the Russian Balkan Peninsula?

Bulgaria?

It is now 1880, not 1850; Bulgarian nationalism has already surged.

The Bulgarian region’s culture and customs are very close to Russia’s, and their languages are even mutually intelligible; the Tsarist Government hadn’t managed to assimilate them, and Franz didn’t think Austria would easily be able to integrate the locals.

To put it bluntly, other than rose essential oil, Austria lacked no resources Bulgaria could offer. With input and output not proportional, naturally, it was hard to be interested.